SOCIO-GEOGRAPHIC CHANGES IN SMALL ISLAND COMMUNITIES – THE EXAMPLE OF THE ISLAND OF ZLARIN

Autorice na primjeru otoka Zlarina istražuju temeljne sociogeografske procese i najvažnije promjene u načinu života zajednica malih hrvatskih otoka od 1970-ih godina do danas. U radu je prezentiran dio rezultata istraživanja kvalitete života stanovništva Zlarina, provedenog metodom ankete i promatranja sa sudjelovanjem na uzorku od 67 ispitanika. Rezultati pokazuju da se zbog želje za demografskim opstankom zajednice, Zlarinjani sve više otvaraju prema strancima – prije svega doseljenicima, a onda i turistima, u kojima vide nadu demografske i gospodarske revitalizacije. Modernizacija je donijela i određene negativne promjene u mentalitetu i načinu shvaćanja zajednice, koje se ogledaju u smanjenoj solidarnosti članova i izraženijem materijalizmu. Ipak otočani i dalje iskazuju snažni osjećaj pripadnosti relativno homogenoj i intimnoj otočnoj zajednici u kojoj još uvijek postoji čvrsti osjećaj povezanosti. Ključne riječi: Zlarin, mali otok, migracija, depopulacija, otočnost


Introduction
Due to physical isolation, determined primarily by the separation of the island from the mainland and to psychological isolation as well, which is often described as an experience of (in)security, but also because of demographic and economic limitations of space bounded by sea and environmental particularities of each island, islanders are especially sensitive to any kind of social and economic change.All these elements make the study of their way of life extremely interesting.
When examining the Croatian island region, it is possible to note that the social and economic changes that Croatia has experienced in the past several decades (as a part of the broader European area) have significantly affected the way of life on Croatian islands as well.The specificity of life of island inhabitants can be analysed using various approaches, each of which explains a given aspect of the concept of insularity.
The concept of insularity is a dynamic and complex social construct, equally determined by physical features of topography, soils and climates (on which resources and raw materials depend), by the location of the island (its distance from the mainland), by its size or, more precisely, its smallness (area, communities, economies), by experiences of the centre-periphery relationship, and by the intensity of feelings/connections to/with the local island culture, or the existence of the socalled island identity (Baldacchino, 2004: 272-274;Marshall, 1999: 96).
The research, results of which we now present in this paper, included the application of a combined geographical-sociological approach to the analysis of a small island community.
By researching the way of life of the population of Zlarin, one of the islands in the Šibenik archipelago, the aim of the paper is to describe fundamental socio-geographic processes and the most important changes in the way of life of communities on small 1 Croatian islands from 1970s until today.Zlarin, with a surface area of only 8.05 km 2 and a coastal circumference of 20.2 km (Duplančić Leder et al., 2004), together with Prvić, Krapanj, Kaprije, Žirje and Murter, is part of the Šibenik group of islands.Of all the islands of Šibenik, it is the closest to the mainland 2 , from which it is divided only by the Šibenik Channel, which is also the main entrance to the Šibenik Bay and to the main regional centre, i.e. the city of Šibenik.There is only one settlement on the island of Zlarin, bearing the same name as the island, in which there were 278 residents in 144 households in 2011.The 2011 census showed an increase of 2 residents in comparison to 2001; yet, according to our estimates, the census findings do not correspond to the real demographic situation. 3 istraživanja gotovo svi ispitanici tvrdili su da ih iz godine u godinu ima sve manje te da na otoku stalno živi između 180 i 200 stanovnika.Stoga je Zlarin i njegovo stanovništvo istraživački tretirano kao primjer malog hrvatskog otoka.
According to the multicriteria assessment of the development of inhabited islands in the National Programme of Island Development (1997), Zlarin has been classified in the group of 30 most undeveloped Croatian islands, for whose development provision of aid is necessary through special measures of development policy.
A particular feature in regard to studying socioeconomic and demographic processes on Zlarin is represented by its geo-communicational position and its proximity to the mainland.Specifically, one would expect that an island so close to the mainland and, because of this, with an expected lower level of isolation, would have a more vital population, more favourable demographic indicators and processes, and an economic structure of higher quality, as well as possibilities for development.

Research methodology
In this paper we used the data collected via a questionnaire survey, and we also applied the method of observation with participation.The data gathered via the survey 4 on a selected sample of Zlarin island residents, which we will employ to exemplify current conditions and relationships in small island communities, represent a part of a study on the quality of life of the entire island population in the Šibenik archipelago.For the purposes of this paper, we will make use of a smaller part of the results of the questionnaire survey carried out in Zlarin in February 2011.Along with the information from scientific and professional sources, and available statistical data, we will analyse qualitative information, gathered by processing nine open questions in the questionnaire and connected to conclusions from 4 Autori rada obavili su i posao anketara. 5Naime, tijekom anketiranja provedeno je i desetodnevno promatranje sa sudjelovanjem.Promatrači su se na razne načine uključili u svakodnevne aktivnosti zajednice.Primjerice, kupovanjem u mjesnoj trgovini i na kiosku za novine, odlaskom u crkvu i na okupljanja prije i poslije mise, pomaganjem u radu na polju ili u masliniku, učlanjenjem u otočno kulturno društvo i sudjelovanjem u radu godišnje skupštine, posjetima domova otočana, neformalnim druženjem u kafićima, susretima s mještanima na brodu kao i na rivi prije i poslije dolaska broda.
They are not permanent inhabitants of islands, but are present mostly in the summer part of year; yet, they register their permanent residence on islands because of various benefits, and thus appear in the censuses as permanent residents. 4The authors of the paper carried out the questionnaire survey themselves.(Podgorelec, 2010: 145-151) s obzirom na migracijsko iskustvo, uzorkom je bilo obuhvaćeno šest skupina stanovnika.U prvu ubrajamo stanovnike nemigrante − sve rođene na otoku koji nemaju osobnoga migracijskog iskustva.Skupinu iseljenika čine rođeni na otoku koji su zbog školovanja i rada živjeli više desetaka godina u drugoj sredini i na otok se vratili u raznim vremenskim točkama svoga životnog ciklusa.Kad je o Zlarinjanima riječ, od hrvatskih destinacija najčešće su iseljavali u Šibenik, Zagreb, Split i Zadar, a od inozemnih u SAD i Argentinu (Dean, 2004.).U ovoj skupini uglavnom je riječ o radnoj migraciji koja je tijekom života i rada izvan otoka nastojala redovito posjećivati otok u vrijeme godišnjeg odmora i za razne praznike, a mnogi koji su iselili u Šibenik dolazili su gotovo svaki the conducted observations with participation. 5uring our observations we made notes (according to a pre-defined protocol) on life on the island in the winter when there are no tourists, and when only permanent residents of the island participate in everyday rhythms and obligations.
In view of the small size of the population, we decided to include approximately 30% of the permanently resident adult population in the questionnaire survey.In choosing the sample, especially in planning the age structure, we could not rely on the 2001 census data, due to the likelihood that the population structure has changed considerably over the last ten years.Namely, such numerically small island communities are very sensitive to shifts in natural growth and migration, and especially in periods of social and economic changes, such as those that affected the population of Dalmatia in the period between the last three censuses.
Consequently, the authors decided to select a deliberately disproportionate quota sample of respondents, which included all adult age groups among the island population with various migration histories and experiences.Namely, the choice of such an intentional and non-proportional sample was due to the significantly large number of women in older age groups who did not participate in migration.In total, 67 respondents were surveyed, of which 28 were males (41.8%) and 39 were females (58.2%).The age structure of respondents in the research sample was as follows: from 19 to 30 years of age, 5 respondents; from 31 to 40, 3 respondents; from 41 to 50, 11 respondents; from 51 to 60, 13 respondents; from 61 to 70, 18 respondents; from 71 to 80 year, 10 respondents and from 81 to 91 years of age, 7 respondents.

O depopulaciji
Osnovni demografski proces na hrvatskim otocima u 20.i početkom 21. stoljeća predstavlja depopulacija, koja je obilježila ne samo demografski već i ukupan društvenogospodarski razvoj hrvatskih otoka.Osnovni uzrok depopulacije nalazimo u stoljetnom iseljavanju otočnog stanovništva započetom krajem 19.stoljeća, a koje se kontinuirano odvijalo i cijelo 20.stoljeće, dogod su postojale bioreproduktivne osnove, tj.dogod je bilo mladog stanovništva.Propast vinogradarstva krajem 19.i početkom 20.stoljeća potaknula je osiromašeno seosko stanovništvo da "sigurniju decades in another area due to schooling or work, and had returned to the island at various points of time in their life cycles.In regard to people from Zlarin, the Croatian destinations to which they migrated were most often Šibenik, Zagreb, Split and Zadar, and the foreign ones were the USA and Argentina (Dean, 2004).This group mostly included labour migration, and these people would regularly visit the island during annual vacations and various holidays during their lives and work outside the island, and many who had moved to Šibenik would return to the island practically every weekend.A part of the former emigrant group was made up of a relatively large number of respondents that we classified as returnee pension migration.Namely, the largest number of emigrant islanders returned to permanently reside on the island immediately after acquiring pension rights.Then, there are daily and weekly commuters 6 in both directions -persons who regularly each day, or once a week, travel from the island to the mainland to school or work in Šibenik or in other nearby locations on the mainland coast, and likewise residents of Šibenik who regularly travel to Zlarin for work reasons each day.Today, one part of permanently resident islanders on Zlarin is made up of immigrants -former tourists, i.e. persons born in other parts of Croatia, and from neighbouring countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia, Serbia), as well as from Western European countries.After many years of tourist residence, they usually decide to buy or build vacation houses and permanently settle on Zlarin, or spend at least six months a year on the island.One recognizable type of islanders and migrants is made up of -marriage immigrants.And finally, a relatively small group of the population includes labour migrants -i.e.immigrants due to work, who have lived on the island for more than a year.

Stanovništvo i migracija
Prema arheološkim nalazima naseljenost Zlarina datira još iz srednjega kamenog doba i od tada pa sve do danas Zlarin je prostor različitih migracijskih kretanja.Veći dio svoje prošlosti bio je imigracijski otok na koji se sklanjalo stanovništvo s kopna pred različitim vojnim pohodima (Dean, 2004.).Odvojenost otoka depopulation (population decline), which has marked not only their demographic, but also their entire socio-economic development.The basic cause of depopulation is to be found in long-standing emigration of the island population, which began at the end of the 19 th century, and continued throughout the entire 20 th century, as long as it had a bio-reproductive basis, i.e. as long as there was a young population.The failure of viticulture at the end of the 19 th and in the early 20 th century encouraged the impoverished rural population to look for a "more secure future", mainly in overseas countries (Nejašmić, 1991;Lajić, 1992).Development programmes after World War II bypassed the islands and thus emigration continued, primarily to coastal and other urban centres in the country and to Western European countries.The economic development of Socialist Yugoslavia had been based on an accelerated development of industry in urban centres, which became centres of development, while at the same time Croatian islands, not only spatially, but also economically, became a periphery without a major vision of development, left to spontaneous economic activities, mostly tourism; and traditional agriculture and fishing were also neglected.
Unfavourable economic development stimulated emigration and, therefore, depopulation as well.Long-term depopulation has had as a result a sudden increase in the share of the elderly population and a reduction in the young population, among other things, both as a result of the selectivity of migration movements (in which mostly the younger working population participates) and due to negative natural changes which, in the modern demographic period, were a key factor contributing to unfavourable demographic trends (Lajić, 1992).Thus, with time, a type of vicious circle developed -depopulation became a limiting factor for the socio-economic development of Croatian islands.
Although some larger islands, with bridges to the mainland, have shown positive demographic trends in some inter-census periods, small and very small islands have already been experiencing demographic extinction for decades.On some of them permanent residence has ended.The simplest description of small and very small Croatian islands is that these are islands with one or two settlements, with an extinguishing age structure and negative values in regard to bio-reproductive indicators, and in most cases with a poorly developed economy and a modest living standard (Lajić, Mišetić, 2006).According to all its characteristics, the island of Zlarin, with its population, represents a typical example of a small Croatian island.morem od kopna, kolika god nevelika udaljenost bila, pružala je određenu sigurnost stanovništvu u nestabilnim vremenima.

Population and migration
According to archaeological findings, the human presence on Zlarin dates back to as early as the Middle Stone Age, and from then until today Zlarin has been an area of diverse migration movements.For most of its past it has been an island of immigration, on which mainland populations took refuge in the face of various military campaigns (Dean, 2004).Separation of the island from the mainland by the sea, regardless of how small this distance was, provided a certain security for the population in unstable times.
Depending on socio-economic conditions, the number of inhabitants on Zlarin varied significantly and so in 1587, 76 houses were recorded, in which 496 inhabitants lived, and almost a hundred years later, in 1680, this number doubled: 145 houses and 1,018 inhabitants (Dean, 2004: 64).At that time the main economic activities of the people of Zlarin were agriculture and fishing.Two centuries of intense economic development of the island followed, based on viticulture, olivegrowing, fishing, coral diving and shipping, and accompanied by demographic expansion and spatial growth and development of the settlement.Although it mostly had a rural Mediterranean architecture, Zlarin village slowly started to acquire the appearance of a small island town.In 1829, 223 families lived on the island, and it had a total of 1,586 inhabitants (Stulli, 1980: 183).In the modern census period, from 1857 (with 1,643 inhabitants) until today, the largest number of inhabitants on Zlarin was registered in 1921 (1,980 inhabitants), at a time when all Croatian islands reached highpoints in population size (Fig. 1).Between the two world wars Zlarin gradually lost half of its population (in 1948 it had only 896 inhabitants).In the first half of the century emigrants were almost entirely men, mostly seafarers 7 , who supported their families on Zlarin through hard and low-paid manual jobs.These were so-called delegated migrations, imagined as temporary; but rarely did a person manage to achieve the migration goal in a relatively brief period and return to the island.Negligible was also the number of people from Zlarin who, after a while, earned enough to bring their families into emigration.Thus, an economic and social seoskim zajednicama (Muraj, 1999.).Masovno odseljavanje mladih muškaraca, samaca ili oženjenih znatno je poremetilo i "bračno tržište" na otoku, a time i rodnost, te kasnije utjecalo i na pojačano iseljavanje mladih žena zbog udaje za neotočane.
In the period from 1948 to 1961 the population mainly stagnated (remaining on the level of about 900), and then in the next period, 1961-1981, intense depopulation followed -Zlarin lost two thirds of its total population (a decline from 920 to 399 inhabitants).Besides emigration, a significant factor contributing to negative demographic trends 9 Prema popisu 1869.Zlarin je imao 3 063 stanovnika.Međutim, u naselju Zlarin sadržani su i podatci za naselja Zablaće i Prvić Šepurine.Prema procjeni autora samo naselje Zlarin imalo je 1869.oko 1 660 stanovnika. 8Including those activities that were previously exclusively male, such as digging and fishing. 9According to the 1869 census Zlarin had 3,063 inhabitants.However, data for the settlement of Zlarin also comprised information for the settlements Zablaće and Prvić Šepurine.According to the authors' estimation, the settlement of Zlarin by itself had about 1,660 inhabitants in 1869.
Analizirajući ekonomske izvore otoka tijekom zadnjih pedeset godina zaključujemo da su se otočni resursi pokazali iznimno osjetljivi prema utjecajima s kopna i da ih je danas na mnogim otocima manje i slabije su kvalitete.Stoga su suvremeni pokušaji ostvarivanja gospodarske was also negative natural growth, which was a consequence of the continuous departure of the population of fertile age.The result was a decrease in birth rates and a relative increase in death rates -an objective outcome of population ageing.From the 1980s the trend of total population reduction continued, but with much smaller annual rates of decrease, since the greatly trimmed agesex population structure had already lost many young people, who were potentially most prone to migration.In the last twenty years Zlarin has seen a significant return migration of retired people from Zlarin who had previously left the island, which additionally affected the ageing of the population.From 2000 to 2009, 13 births and 75 deaths were registered on Zlarin, which clearly shows that births have become extremely rare, while funerals have become frequent occurrences.

Economy and migration
The physical constraints of space, small numbers of inhabitants, and, associated with this, sociopsychological closure towards others and to what is different (from the economy, culture and customs to people) makes the influence of migration on the formation of the demographic structure of island communities exceptionally important.Reasons for migration are mostly economic.Because of the impossibility of finding employment on the islands, they have been experiencing emigration of their working age population lasting several decades or permanently.The departure of children and young residents, frequently even during the early phases of schooling, has likewise been a precursor of permanent emigration.The lack of adequate infrastructures for child care (nursery schools and kindergartens 10 ), and also inadequate educational institutions (primarily elementary schools 11 ), as well as the weakness of the educational process in small island schools 12 and the non-existence of organised leisure activities, 10 Nepostojanje dječjeg vrtića na otoku te strah od zatvaranja škole u kojoj je u šk.god.2010./2011.bilo svega 5 učenika ispitanici smatraju jakim razlogom za iseljenje još preostalih nekoliko mladih obitelji, ali i jednim od važnijih ograničenja mogućeg vraćanja iseljenih otočana ili doseljavanja stranaca. 11Na većini malih hrvatskih otoka djeca su prisiljena već nakon četvrtog razreda osnovne škole školovanje nastaviti u gradovima na obali. 12Učiteljica svakodnevno putuje iz Šibenika na Zlarin brodskom linijom u 10 h i nastavu održava u vremenskom razmaku do povratka broda u 12 i 40.U tako kratkom vremenu održava usporedno nastavu učenicima raznih uzrasta i različitih nastavnih programa. 10The absence of a nursery school and fear that the elementary school will be closed, which had only 5 pupils in the school year 2010/2011, were considered by the respondents to be strong reasons for the emigration of the last remaining young families, and also possible limitations for the return of emigrated islanders, or for the immigration of foreigners. 11On most small Croatian islands, already after the first four years of elementary school, children are forced to continue their schooling in towns on the mainland coast. 12Each day the teacher travels from Šibenik to Zlarin by ship at 10:00 AM and has classes in the interval until the return of the ship at 12:40 PM.In such a small amount of time, parallel teaching is provided to pupils of various ages and with different curriculums.
Zlarin ima relativno dugu turističku tradiciju.Njegova prednost kao turističke destinacije oduvijek je bila blizina Šibenika, a posljednjih dvadesetak godina to je i relativno kvalitetna povezanost brodskim prijevozom te, u sezoni, dostupnost raznovrsnije kulturne i ugostiteljske ponude u odnosu na druge otoke šibenskog arhipelaga.Prepoznatljivosti i privlačnosti otoka, posebice za jednodnevne turiste, svakako frequently force young families to migrate from the islands.Thus, even today the largest part of migrants from the islands is made up of young work-capable people who departed due to unequal opportunities for employment and education of children in comparison to opportunities on the mainland.
Analysing the economic sources of the islands during the last fifty years, we conclude that island resources have shown exceptional sensitivity to influences from the mainland and that on many islands today they are fewer in number and of poorer quality.Therefore, modern attempts to achieve economic profits on the islands represent a substantial challenge, equally for the island population as well as for newcomers (Podgorelec, 2008).
The intense development of industry in large coastal cities such as Rijeka, Split, Zadar and Šibenik during the 1960s enabled sizeable employment of island residents who gravitated towards these towns (Klempić Bogadi, Podgorelec, 2009).Thus, a large number of people from Zlarin found work in Šibenik.A response to such an economic direction adopted by the former state towards the development of coastal towns manifested itself on the islands in the decline of traditional activities.Inhabitants of Zlarin had been engaged in Mediterranean agriculture, fishing, coral diving, shipping and tourism.As on other Croatian islands, there were no investments or development plans for agriculture on Zlarin, although agriculture represented a traditional, essential economic activity.At first, the islands experienced a phase of deagrarianisation through the employment of the population on the mainland coast, combined with the phenomenon of daily or weekly worker commuting (circulation).Yet, the housing policy by which workers from the islands received flats in the mainland centres in which they were employed, and inadequate links with the mainland, represented push-pull factors in the emigration of populations from coastal islands, such as Zlarin, which, due to its proximity to Šibenik, should have been treated as one of the city's neighbourhoods (districts) 13 , i.e. as a "city" island.Thus, even though the island was in an ideal position for daily commuting, many people from Zlarin decided to relocate permanently to Šibenik.The emigrant exodus brought about a reduction of the total population and therefore, also a termination of many crafts and services on 13 Brodom je udaljen nešto manje od 30 minuta vožnje i, kako su nam rekli neki ispitanici, mnogo je brže stići sa Zlarina u Šibenik negoli s jednog na drugi kraj Šibenika javnim prijevozom.Tek od 1990-ih Zlarin je sa Šibenikom povezan s četiri dnevne veze radnim danom. 13By ship the distance is a little less than 30 minutes sailingtime and, as some respondents told us, it is much faster to arrive from Zlarin to Šibenik than to get from one end of Šibenik to the other by public transportation.Only since the 1990s was Zlarin linked to Šibenik with four daily connections during weekdays.je pridonijela i koraljarska tradicija.Ipak, zlarinski turizam obilježava izrazita sezonalnost, neodgovarajuća i nedostatna struktura smještaja, nedostatak sadržaja i kvalitetnih kadrova.Od 2001.prosječna turistička posjećenost kreće se između 3 000 i 10 000 turista u sezoni, 14 od čega su otprilike dvije trećine strani turisti.Relativno mali broj stacionarnih turista zadnjih godina značajno nadopunjuju nautičari 15 i jednodnevni izletnici.Na otoku je relativno malo smještajnih kapaciteta namijenjenih turistima.Postoji svega jedan mali hotel sa 60 soba, zatim 58 soba i apartmana u privatnom smještaju i 105 mjesta za kampiranje. 16Prema podatcima popisa 2011.godine od ukupno 840 stambenih jedinica na otoku, 389 su bili stanovi za stalno stanovanje, a od ostalih je većina stanova za odmor i rekreaciju. 17Dakle, velik je broj turista koji ljetuju u svojim kućama za odmor.Mnogi od njih kupili su stare kuće i obnovili ih u skladu s autohtonom otočnom, pretežno, ruralnom arhitekturom pa, usprkos određenom broju obnovljenih i izgrađenih kuća u neskladu sa zlarinskim tradicijskim graditeljstvom, naselje još odiše dojmom očuvanosti autentičnog otočnog ambijenta.
the island, which led to further emigration.By the 1970s, when a more intense development of tourism on Croatian islands began, many of the latter were already in a phase of advanced depopulation.
Zlarin has a relatively long tradition of tourism.Its advantage as a tourist destination has always been its proximity to Šibenik, and during the last twenty years or so another advantage has been its comparatively well-organised ship connection and, during the season, the availability of more varied cultural and catering offers in relation to other islands of the Šibenik archipelago.The coral diving tradition undoubtedly contributed to the recognisability and attractiveness of the island, especially for one-day tourists.Nevertheless, tourism on Zlarin is marked by pronounced seasonality, inadequate and insufficient accommodation structures, lack of contents and first-rate personnel.From 2001 the average tourist presence ranged between 3,000 and 10,000 tourists in a season 14 , approximately two-thirds of which were foreign tourists.A relatively small number of stationary (i.e.full-season) tourists during the last years have been significantly complemented by boaters 15 and one-day excursionists.There are relatively few accommodation capacities intended for tourists on the island.There is only one small hotel with 60 rooms, 58 rooms and apartments in private accommodation, and 105 places for camping. 16According to the 2011 census data, out of a total of 840 housing units on the island, 389 were places for permanent residence, and among the others the majority were holiday and recreation facilities. 17Therefore, there are large numbers of tourists who spend summers in their vacation homes.Many of them purchased old houses and renewed then in conformity with indigenous island, mostly rural, architecture and so, in spite of a certain 14 Promet turista u primorskim gradovima i općinama 2003.-2007., DZS, Zagreb. 15Otok nije adekvatno infrastrukturno opremljen za velik broj brodova koji dnevno u sezoni pristaju u Zlarinski zaljev pa postoji opasnost značajnog zagađenja okoliša. 16Podaci za 2007., Promet turista u primorskim gradovima i općinama 2007., DZS, Zagreb. 17Kod podataka o broju stambenih jedinica opet je uočljiv metodološki problem.Na Zlarinu je 2011.zabilježeno 840 stambenih jedinica, od toga 389 za stalno stanovanje.Istovremeno je popisano stalno stanovništvo u 144 kućanstva.Iz navedenog je vidljivo da je realno znatno manji broj stanova za stalno stanovanje nego što popis 2011.prikazuje, dok je znatno veći broj stanova za odmor i rekreaciju.Iz samog uvida na terenu jasno je da je vrlo mali broj napuštenih stanova i stanova u kojim se obavlja djelatnost (isključen turizam). 14Tourist turnover in coast towns and municipalities 2003-2007, DZS, Zagreb. 15The island is not adequately equipped in infrastructure for the large number of boats/yachts that arrive each day in Zlarin bay during the season, so there is a danger of considerable environmental pollution. 16Data for 2007, Tourist turnover in coast towns and municipalities 2007, DZS, Zagreb. 17In regard to data on the number of residential units, again there is a noticeable methodological problem.In 2011, 840 residential units were recorded on Zlarin, of which 389 for permanent housing.At the same time, 144 households of permanent residents were registered.On the basis of this information, it is obvious that the actual number of permanent housing facilities is much smaller than the 2011 census shows, while the number of holiday and recreation residences is much larger.From direct insight into the location, it is clear that the number of abandoned residences and accommodations for conducting economic activities (excluding tourism) is very small.Dio mlađih ispitanika turiste doživljava kao "ljude s novim idejama, drugačijim pogledima i stavovima, ljude s ambicijama" (Ž, 30), "ti koji dolaze uglavnom su kvalitetni i dobri ljudi, u ovu konzervativnu zajednicu donose kulturnije običaje" (M, 34).Turisti su ih "prisilili da uređuju mjesto, jer su mnogi 'vikendaši' kupili stare kuće koje bi inače propale te ih lijepo i uredili" (Ž, 62).Specifičnost zlarinskog turizma ogleda se i u činjenici što je većina turista na neki način povezana s otokom: "Promjene su uvijek dobre, nije tako dosadno.Svi vole taj šušur liti.A i nema turista koji nisu povezani sa Zlarinom.Dolaze dugi niz godina zaredom.Mnogi su naši prijatelji, svi budu kao domaći" (M, 28).Boljitak Zlarina dolaskom turista dio ispitanika vidi u gospodarskom prosperitetu i višoj razini zaposlenosti stanovnika tijekom sezone, ali i u činjenici da ih turisti "prisiljavaju da se otvaraju kao zajednica" (M, 48).
The relative underdevelopment of stationary (full-season) tourism on Zlarin was explained by one respondent in our questionnaire survey in the following words: "Zlarin was rich once; the people of Zlarin therefore did not want tourists; they did not even want a marina.They were educated, and in a certain way selfish.There were no intentions to improve life on the island" (M, 91).In answer to the question whether tourists, by their arrival and import of different customs and habits, make Zlarin a better or worse place to live in, two-thirds of the respondents felt that tourists improve the life of the island.Some of the younger respondents experienced tourists as "people with new ideas, different views and attitudes, people with ambition" (F, 30), "those that come are mostly first-rate and good people; they bring more cultured customs into this conservative community" (M, 34).Tourists "forced them to organise the place, because many 'weekenders' bought old houses that would otherwise be ruined and they also fixed them up nicely" (F, 62).A specific quality of Zlarin tourism is also reflected in the fact that most tourists are somehow connected to the island: "Changes are always good, it is not so boring.Everybody likes that hustle and bustle.And also, there are no tourists who are not connected with Zlarin.They have been coming here for years.Many are our friends; everybody feels at home" (M, 28).Some respondents see the well-being of Zlarin as a result of the arrival of tourists in economic prosperity and in a higher level of employment of the inhabitants during the season, but also in the fact that tourists "force [them] to open up as a community" (M, 48).
Although tourism today represents the main economic branch on many Croatian islands, it frequently incites social tensions as well.Thus, one third of the respondents also expressed great concern for pollution brought on by such large number of people and boats: "They bring garbage, hustle and quarrels" (M, 56), but there is similarly disagreement with the imposition of a different lifestyle, for which domestic tourists are most often blamed: "Domestic tourists behave too much like lords; they do not know how to behave like natives; we need them and we don't need [them]; there are unfortunately few foreigners" (M, 71).An objective difficulty lies in the pressure on inadequate island infrastructures, which are used by 200 islanders on average during the year, and in the summer months, according to the estimates of the inhabitants, by up 18 Četiri linije Zlarin povezuju direktno, a jedna preko Vodica.Izvan sezone polasci za Šibenik su u 5. 25, 7.00,  12.40, i 18.40, a za Zlarin u 9.30, 13.30, 15.30 i 19.30.  1Otok je nedjeljom i praznicima povezan samo dva puta dnevno s kopnom. 20Mogućnošću dužeg ostanka na otoku ostvario bi se i veći prihod u ugostiteljskim objektima, poglavito od relativno velikog broja jednodnevnih izletnika iz Šibenika i okolice. 21Doživljaj zaštićenosti, osobna sigurnost od kriminala i sl. 18Four lines connect Zlarin directly, and one by way of Vodice.Off-season departures for Šibenik are at 5: 25, 7:00,  12:40, and 18:40 h, and for Zlarin at 9:30, 13:30, 15:30,  and 19:30 h.  1On Sundays and holidays the island is connected with the mainland only twice a day. 20With the possibility of a longer stay on the island, a greater income could be earned in catering facilities, primarily from a relatively larger number of one-day excursionists from Šibenik and the surrounding area.

Osjećaj pripadanja i sigurnosti u zajednici i otočni identitet
Jedan od elemenata otočnosti je i osobni doživljaj sigurnosti pojedinca s obzirom na zajednicu u kojoj živi. 21Najveći dio ispitanika (91%) osjeća se sigurnim na otoku, što najčešće objašnjavaju sljedećim razlozima: mala zajednica u kojoj postoji čvrsta međusobna povezanost i kontrola, odsutnost klasične privatnosti i visoka razina intimnosti.Tako ispitanici to 2,000 people.Thus, tourism also provokes certain tensions within the island community, primarily because of the area around which participants in the tourist offer compete (and earn) and, when Zlarin is in question, along with them a large number of persons not interested in any form of tourist income.There are disparities between inhabitants who desire changes and see a possibility in tourism for opening the island to economic prosperity, and those who do not want any changes.Most people who regard themselves islanders would want firm control over the decision on who comes to the island.They resist changes brought on by foreigners -newcomers and, above all, tourists, i.e. people who reside on the island briefly, only during the tourist season.

Transportation connections
On weekdays the island is connected with the mainland by ship, with four daily departures for Šibenik and returns to the island 18 , and three return links with Vodice.The voyage by ship from Šibenik to Zlarin lasts a little less than half an hour.In recent years Zlarin has also been connected with the mainland twice a week, all year round, by the ferry line Šibenik-Zlarin-Kaprije-Žirje.Pensioners and pupils are allowed free passage, and islanders are entitled to a reduced monthly fare for parking their cars on the coast, given that automobile transportation is not permitted on the island.Respondents express relative satisfaction in regard to the connections with the mainland.They stress the need to introduce two additional lines on Sundays 19 and holidays due to numerous "weekenders" and excursionists, earlier in the afternoon and in later evening hours 20 .A relatively large number of inhabitants also mention the problem of a lack of regular later-evening lines throughout the year, which would enable them to partake in cultural and entertainment events in Šibenik.Apart from adjustments to ship timetables, some people emphasize the problem of the old age of vessels, their frequent breakdowns and their inadequacy for the transportation of certain goods.They also consider it impermissible that there is no izjavljuju: "mirno je i svi se poznamo" (M, 91); "zajednica je čvrsta, k'o komuna smo" (Ž, 61); "jedan pazi na drugoga" (M, 62); "osjećam se kao da je cijeli otok moj dnevni boravak" (Ž, 48); "ne zaključavam se ni noću" (Ž, 78); "sigurnost i bliskost je svakome potrebna" (Ž, 78).Sigurnost otočanima pružaju "ljudi, društvo, to što nema stranaca, nema ljudi koji dolaze po loše" (M, 19).
U malim sredinama, zajednicama s malenim brojem članova, ograničena mogućnost socijalne komunikacije čini pojedinca osjetljivijim prema subjektivnom doživljaju prihvaćenosti roofed-over place for waiting for ships in Šibenik.Although Zlarin is exceptionally close to the town of Šibenik, current transportation connections certainly represent one of the essential limitations to its social and economic development.

The feeling of belonging and security in the community and island identity
One of the elements of insularity is also the personal experience of security among individuals in regard to the community in which they live21 .The greatest proportion of respondents (91%) feel secure on the island, which they most often explain with the following reasons: a small community in which there is strong mutual cohesion and control, an absence of classical privacy and a high level of intimacy.Thus respondents state: "it is peaceful and we all know each other" (M, 91); "the community is strong, we are like a commune" (F, 61); "One [person] looks after another" (M, 62); "I feel as if the entire island is my living room" (F, 48); "I don't lock the doors, not even at night" (F, 78); "security and closeness is necessary for everyone" (F, 78).Security is provided to the islanders by "people, society, by there being no foreigners; there are no people arriving with bad intentions" (M, 19).
The limits of the islands and the smallness of their societies create a specific feeling of belonging, which is often based on personal relationships between family members or relatives, and reinforced by firm moral codes and rituals or specific, strong feelings of belonging through culture and language.When asked how much it matters to feel as an islander or as a part of the island community, two thirds of the respondents -islanders and immigrants -regardless of their migration history, felt this to be important for an individual.They explained this by statements such as: "It is important to me that I live here, that I belong to an entity that is small, significant; as soon as I come to the island, I feel at home.It is good to travel, move away, but one can hardly wait to come home" (M, 19, a student from Zlarin); "the island is my home, I was forced to leave since there was no work, but I have always dreamed of returning" (F, 74); "I do not know about anything else, it (the island, authors' note) fulfils me, it gives me a particular personality" (F, 48); "the island is an area in which I am myself, I am not an urban type" (F, 65); "the island remains in a person all through life, this is the (mutual, authors' note) closeness" u zajednici.Kada je riječ o Zlarinu, bez obzira na to je li netko rođeni otočanin ili doseljenik, ispitanici se u najvećem broju (82%) osjećaju u potpunosti ili uglavnom prihvaćenima od zajednice.Svega se njih četvero, među kojima su i rođeni na otoku i došljaci, osjeća uglavnom ili u potpunosti neprihvaćenima.
In small settings, communities with a small number of members, limited possibilities of social communication make the individual more sensitive towards a subjective experience of acceptance into the community.In the case of Zlarin, the greatest number of respondents (82%), regardless of whether they were born on the island or migrated to it, feel completely or mostly accepted by the community.Only four of them, among them both natives of the island and newcomers, feel mostly or completely unaccepted.
The concept of island identity includes various social and cultural forms, which define similarities or differences between the island community and the mainland, as well as the relationship of islanders towards newcomers/foreigners.Typical are stereotypes about the temperament and certain characteristic personality features which were formed during centuries of a specific type of life in a relatively closed community.However, today island communities are more exposed than ever before to influences from the "outside".By moving, island migrants become "cosmopolitans inhabiting diverse worlds and with identities constructed by their experiences of living in more than one geographical, cultural and socio-economic environment" (Connell, King, 1999: 7), but rarely do they become "less" islanders, after migrating.The identity of islands and islanders in relation to migration is constantly changing."Migration involves the exchange of ideas and values: hence a low rate of migration might be an important factor contributing to a sense of insularity and community identity" (Marshall, 1999: 98).s druge strane.Skromni su, štedljivi i vrijedni,22 što objašnjavaju teškim životom na otoku u posljednjih gotovo stotinu godina.
Uvriježeno je mišljenje da su otočne zajednice zatvorene prema doseljenicima, te da pokazuju strah od novog, nepoznatog i drugačijeg.Suprotno tome, rezultati provedenog istraživanja pokazuju da su Zlarinjani skloniji ideji trajnog doseljavanja na otok negoli privremenom boravku turista.Svjesni su svoje malenosti, demografskog, a onda i gospodarskog propadanja pa populacijski opstanak vide u doseljavanju.Podjednako su otvoreni prema mogućnosti useljenja građana iz drugih dijelova Hrvatske (58 ispitanika odobrava Regardless of the differences between islanders, there are some characteristics that both they themselves and migrants to the island emphasise very often."Thelandscape -the sea, fishing, corals and the people -good and bad, but all in balance" (M, 19, islander); "stinginess; we are closed and prone to gossip" (M, 51, islander); "island closure, frugality; we are oriented to ourselves [= we must depend on ourselves]" (F, 65, islander -returnee migrant); "they are no longer as hospitable as before; they would never invite me to lunch, but if I arrive, they will offer [to join in]" (M, 88, islander -returnee migrant); "closed, egoistic, strange" (M, 63, islander -returnee migrant); "closed, they will not talk about themselves, but they want to know everything about others" (F, 71, immigrant); "everyone knows everything about everyone; unlimited curiosity and everyone says everything to everyone, nothing can shock us" (F, 48, islander); "closed and distrustful" (F, 55, immigrant); "frugality due to difficult living conditions; women were extremely strong on the island; Zlarin was known for [its] matriarchate; we are a conservative community" (M, 34, immigrant); "hard-working" (F, 73, daily migrant from Šibenik).Therefore, the people of Zlarin are, on one hand, primarily experienced as closed and somewhat distrustful, and, on the other hand, as curious and prone to meddling in intimate matters of others.They are modest, frugal and hard-working 22 , which is explained by the difficult life on the island during almost the last hundred years.
How do non-islanders experience the so-often stressed closure (inaccessibility) of the islanders?Immigrants live in a specific alliance with the islanders and mostly feel accepted, although they feel a certain social distance imposed by the natives: "Specifically in small places, (the natives, authors' note) feel endangered by newcomers; fear of them is felt, especially if they are successful.If you are poor, everyone likes you.However, Zlarin is known as a place that accepts newcomers" (M, 51, immigrant); "they accept newcomers with difficulty, and if there were no newcomers they would sink into the sea" (F, 75, immigrant); "they do not accept newcomers, they tell us: the buoys have floated in, they are inhospitable, they do not welcome guests [offer treats]" (M, 58, immigrant).All examples of resistance by islanders to immigrants can be partly explained by fear of the unknown and resistance to change, which is certainly one of the elements trajno doseljavanje) kao i prema strancimagrađanima iz inozemstva (56 ispitanika).
Therefore, on the level of the community as a general concept, there exists a certain social distance between indigenous islanders and immigrants -in about the same proportion, both express a certain mutual distrust, but when the question of trust is lowered to the level of neighbours, it is almost absolute -73.1% have complete confidence in their neighbours, and 23.9% mostly have confidence.
It is typically thought that island communities are closed to immigrants, and that they display fear towards what is new, unknown and different.Yet, on the contrary, the results of the conducted research show that the people of Zlarin are more favourably disposed towards permanent immigration than towards temporary residence of tourists.
Far more people on Zlarin accept the notion of permanent settlement on the island than the temporary residence of tourists.They are aware of their small size, demographic and economic decline, and thus see survival of the population in immigration.They are equally open to the possibility of immigration of citizens from other parts of Croatia (58 respondents approved such permanent settlement), as well as to the immigration of foreigners -i.e.citizens from abroad (56 respondents).
Respondents, both native islanders and immigrants, justified the necessity of immigrants with the following statements: "every permanent arrival is good.It is not good that there are 3,000 tourists during the summer, and nothing remains except for garbage.Whoever arrives permanently, with a job, that is good, since demographic ruin is avoided" (M, 61, immigrant); "(immigrants, authors' note) are people who love Zlarin and with whom we are getting along nicely; we consider them our own" (M, 19, islander); "opening up workplaces -they are the only prospects for the island; there are no jobs and no children" (M, 56, islander); "they bring new values" (M, 45, immigrant); "all who come are good; they are constantly together with the natives; people arrive because they like it and they are ready to adapt" (M, 28, immigrant); "newcomers enrich a wise man in every way" (M, 51, immigrant); "just so that there will be people,
Therefore, well-organised connections with the island via transportation and modern technologies are necessary and beneficial for the achievement of qualitative social and economic shifts.However, social interactions among islanders and immigrants within the permanent population are of central importance, as well as the demographic reinforcement of the community and the acceptance of new immigrants.

Conclusion
Decades of unfavourable socio-economic conditions on small Croatian islands left "deep wounds" in their demographic development, with population ageing as a result reflected in all aspects of life in small island communities.The majority of the population in these communities, on Zlarin as well, is made up of elderly persons today, mainly pensioners who had spent their working years on the mainland.They are the only ones who experience certain economic security on the island since they have constant incomes in the form of pensions, and pursue agricultural activities on the side (especially returning, in increasing numbers, to olive growing).They economically improve their material situation by cultivating house plots and working in the fields and, despite mostly very small incomes, continue to financially help their children (with money and agricultural products), who mostly live in nearby mainland coastal towns.
At the same time, the younger, working population which does not have a constant source of income is still forced to move from the island in search of work or, relatively rarely, commute daily or weekly between Zlarin and Šibenik, or places nearby (Vodice), where they are employed.Zlarin and other small islands have a restricted economic basis, and such a type of economic limitation does not currently offer possibilities for the opening of Šibenika i mogućnost dnevne cirkulacije te nije srastao s gradom u smislu "gradskog" otoka koji bi funkcionirao kao jedna od sastavnih gradskih četvrti gdje bi bilo moguće stanovanje i odlazak na rad u grad.
Limitations in transportation connections, in their methods and frequency, have an impact on all aspects of daily social and economic life on the island.This equally effects the development of individual economic branches, employment opportunities outside the island, maintenance of residence on the island, organisation of healthcare, as well as quality of cultural and entertainment offers.Zlarin did not make use of its proximity to Šibenik or of the possibility of daily commuting; it did not merge with the town in the sense of becoming a "city" island that would function as one of the city's neighbourhoods, where it would be possible to reside and from there go to work in the town.
Owing to the long migration history of the island, and, in more recent times, to modern technologies as well, the population of Zlarin, despite spatial limitations and specific isolation, has already been exposed to various non-island influences for decades, which significantly changed its way of life.Because of their desire to survive demographically, the people of Zlarin are opening up more and more towards foreigners -first of all to immigrants, and then to tourists, in whom they place their hopes for a demographic and economic revival.Modernisation has also brought about certain negative changes in the mentality and in the way the community is understood, which is reflected in reduced solidarity among community members and in more expressed materialism."Previously there was joint volunteer work (it does not exist anymore); today everyone is concerned only about himself [or herself]; everyone wants to be paid!"(M, 77, returnee migrant from the USA).
a "strong point" in the lives of the islanders, even among those who live outside of it, and they maintain a strong feeling of belonging to a relatively homogeneous and intimate island community in which there is a strong feeling of cohesion.Very often young people, the children of native islanders, come to the island on weekends, even though this is a time when recreational activities in the city are the most intense, because they have a more developed social network (friends, relatives) on the island and they have a stronger sense of belonging and greater freedom in a small community where they know everyone, rather than in coastal mainland towns where they permanently reside, but in which they very often feel alienated.
In view of very unfavourable age structures and indicators of natural population dynamics, and in the absence of clear revitalisation strategies, chances are high that in the next decades the extinction of small island communities will continue.The only possibility for sustainable demographic development would be an optimal economic valorisation of the resources of each island individually.Among the possibilities, further development of tourism has been emphasised, but also traditional agriculture, especially at the time when indigenous foods and the Mediterranean type of diet have gained popularity.The main comparative advantages for a possible economic development of small Croatian islands, and thus of Zlarin as well, are precisely, due to their relative economic disuse so far, significantly preserved natural resources (soils and sea) and traditional architecture (which smart management should protect), as well as values of cultural heritage and customs that the islanders should present in a modern and interesting way to the present generation of tourists.A still relatively strong sense of belonging and cohesion in island communities, but also the present awareness of the need to open up to non-island immigrants, in a certain way offers hope in regard to the demographic survival of small islands.