Linguistic accommodation on the syntactic level

Abstract

The article presents an attempt (as far as we know the first of its kind) to explain the process of linguistic accommodation on the syntactic level, using P. Trudgiil's unfixed-route hypothesis« in linguistic accommodation. The hypothesis states that the more salient language features will change first in dialect contact, P. Trudgill has restricted the hypothesis only to the phonological level. The data on which the hypothesis was checked are three syntactic variables in čakavian dialect as spoken in the city of Split in Yugoslavia and changing under the influence of the standard language. The variables taken are 1. interrogative-relative pronuon ću 2. Mixing of locative und accusative cases and 3. Construction from+genitive. The results show that the most salient čakavian feature as manifested in the interrogative-relative use of the pronoun ću is almost disapparing from the vernacular speech of the youngest generation of speakers. Locative/accusative expressions arc second in salience since they are found in other dialects and thus they are changing at a slower rate. Genitive constructions are the least salient since they are also found in the conversational style of the standard language and thus supported by it and thus they are still very much used in čakavian dialect in the youngest generation of speakers. The conclusion is that syntax in dialect concai also shows a considerable fixed-route accommodation. It is possible to extend the model form the phonological level to the syntactic level as well (I have also tried to show that fixed-route hypothesis is applicable to the morphological level - D, Jutronić-Tihomirović 1989, in print). Changes proceed along the salience dimension from the most prominent to the least prominent.